FASS7002 Critical Thinking and Persuasive Writing

Introduction

The history of the year is not the chaos around Donald Trump as historians think back on 2019. Instead, it will be a tsunami of protests that has spread across six continents and embraced both western democracies and cruel autocrats. The revolution from Paris and La Paz through to Prague and Port-au-Prince, from Beirut, Bogota, Berlin, Catalonia, Cairo and Hong Kong, Harare, Santiago, Sydney, Seoul, Quito, Jakarta, Tehran, Algiers, Baghdad, Budapest, London, New Delhi, Manila and even Moscow has been unleashed over the year. In this regard, the movement has arisen from nowhere, overnight and from nowhere. Taken together, the demonstrations represent a national mobilization without precedent. The Protestant rebellion (so-called for its demonstrators) in the 16th century; the French Revolution; the Boston Tea Party in the 8th century, and the uprisings that took down the Mall of Berlin and the Soviet empire in the 20th century, for example, were all part of the human history of today. (Kriesi, 2015).People's demonstrations were for a long time part of contemporary history. They've come in waves forever. A year of social activism, including US anti-war marches, labor strikes in France, the Threat of Prague Spring for communism in Eastern Europe and student movements in Mexico, Brazil, Spain, Germany, Italy, Pakistan and Poland, was among the most famous waves in 1968. (Jackson, 2018).

Discussion

In 2019, the civil resistance knocked down leaders in Algeria, Bolivia, Iraq, Lebanon and Sudan—some legitimately elected, others fascists long in charge. Regimes in Ecuador, Egypt, Georgia, Haiti, Peru, Poland, Russia, and Zimbabwe remain under pressure from movements. By nonviolent methods, they persuaded regimes in China, Chile, and France to change their trajectory of controversial politics, countries with very diverse political structures, economies, and cultures. Despite a growth in voting numbers and votes, according to the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, the increasing range of demonstrations coincide with a notable decrease in electoral participation worldwide. Between the 1940s and the 1980s, the global average turnout was steady over the five decades: at least 76%. By 2015, the percentage had decreased to 66%. (Alam, 2020).The data show less confidence that elections would have a lot to do and the people vote on the streets with feet. In recent months, protests around the world have gone to the streets, from Hong Kong to Iraq to Chile, and rallied against their regimes. Any protests seem on the surface to be random outbreaks of wrath over apparently insignificant worries. Nearly all big demonstrations this year, though, are rooted in years of the discontent over inaction in the environment, economic problems, mismanagement, injustice or governmental repression. There was no ultimate spark to the protesters. (Baek, 2015).

This paper will discuss about the issues creating political mobilization on Hong Kong and Delhi. Some in Hong Kong believe that the persistence of mass protests which now often attract many hundreds of thousands of people is rooted in concern that their right to displease Beijing could be diminished too. Long before this year's Hong Kong mass rally, sceptics had started to challenge China's ideology of "One government, two systems," which had ever included the legal system, which had helped to reconcile the former colony and mainland China.  (Basu, 2020).Optimists maintained that economic realism would retain the semi-autonomous status of Hong Kong as Beijing steadily lifted more than 1 billion people from poverty and made prosperous Hong Kong enterprises. But China's economic transition quickly gained traction in recent years, as did pessimism about Hong Kong's future as a semi-autonomous region. Since the British handed over control of Hong Kong in 1997, pessimists have been concerned that Beijing would accept only briefly the unique level of political and economic independence in the territory. You were concerned about Beijing's quest for an opportunity for it. A pregnant woman was fatally killed and her body crammed into a suitcase on holiday in Taiwan with her boyfriend. (Sandoval & Gil 2014).Her boyfriend Chan Tong-Kai a native of Hong Kong  was subsequently convicted. But the fact that Hong Kong does not have an Extradition Deal with Taiwan cannot return Chan to face charges. The case gave Hong Kong CEO Carrie Lam the chance to further blur the separation between China mainland and Hong Kong. Several months later, she suggested changes to the extradition statute in the territory that would facilitate the movement of prisoners  even to mainland China. For Hong Kong's chief executive, Beijing had supported Lam, and many opponents maintained that it was simply a Chinese government marionette. According to them, the extradition bill was only a way over giving Peking greater control over Hong Kong and its citizens. Human rights campaigners, businessmen and others worried that if the reforms were adopted they would not be able to focus much on the rule of law in Hong Kong. Even if the extradition statute is withdrawn, opponents fear that it will be only a matter of time before more limits are placed on Hong Kong, in particular, since the parliamentary term is full of loyalists for Beijing. (Chapparban, 2020).

In India, specially in Delhi, the year started with crowds on the streets protesting the NRC and CAA – the violence in Delhi. Protests began. The pandemic was over but the management of the situation by the government once again fragmented politics. Before India came back into electoral mode, Chinese violence sparked heated debate. The so-called rules of the "love jihad" and the horrific Hathras event caused indignation and wrath. And as the year passed, there were once again thousands of people on the roads, insisting that the proposed agricultural legislation be withdrawn. Political and administrative actions by the BJP Government – the efficient repeal of Article 370, the approval of the threefold talaq, the amendment of nationality and the legislation on the agriculture sector – and a shock at the Covid-19 pandemic have brought on the social and economic anxieties of broad sectors of the population. The Bhartiya Janata Party has a political mode, which is not very useful when it comes to discussion. (Sufian, 2020).It is well-funded by anti-Muslim propaganda, counterfeit news and dog whistles, and once elected, it appears to drown everyone's voice out. Mainstream media are tamed, business executives are afraid, universities are oppressed, and legislative dialogue is of little importance because the Narendra Modi administration has numbers to pass legislation. The Indians insist, however, on referring back – on December 19 and after judging by nationwide demonstrations. (Chen & Gallagher 2018).How this would develop hereon is uncertain. Both smuggling and panic are triggers for the BJP. It can believe that the 'very Indian' has no bus, and like the followers of Donald Trump in the USA, it can expect the foundation of Modi to align themselves with him irrespective of what critics claim. The arrests and the vicious attacks on students and protesters in Delhi and Uttar Pradesh also reveal a sense of alarm. There may be little protesters, but there has been a firm counter-mobilization in society, and nothing more frightens the party than the power of a spectacle which can galvanize the public; after all, it will have clear recollections of what India's Campaign Against Corruption has done to UPA-II. The BJP is also looking for a convincing picture, credible protestor excess story and is waiting for a shift in the tide of majority opinion. (Halfmann, 2018).Meanwhile, the government continues to be adamant on the proposed citizenship bill. Inland Minister Amit Shah has made it known that the Citizenship Amendment Act is being enforced in 2024 by India and supplemented by the National Citizens Register (NRC), which seems to be now in the background.  It is still unsure what the NRC really brings with it. The government also has to announce which documents are eligible for citizenship.( Jayaram, 2015). The news agency ANI reported a strange, non-governing "fact sheet" on the NRC. It is not official, but it is a fact that the CAA and the NRC are separate procedures and that citizenship on grounds of religion shall not be granted to anyone.

This fact sheet has already been published by the Press Information Bureau. However, it leaves no question that everyone would be intimidated in India by including a still undisclosed list of documentation in order to prove their citizenship to the government. The government's sheer brazenness to give the million (mostly poor, uneducated) Indians a public citizenry status anxiety as they struggle with livelihoods in the midst of a tanker economics is literally breathtaking. (Terriquez, 2015).All in Assam must present an application for inclusion in the NRC as Shoaib Daniyal argued. The NRC was released, and by presenting more documents those disqualified were able to appeal. The NRC was released, and by presenting more documents those disqualified were able to appeal. (Goodstadt, 2014). The nation-wide NRC would instead draw up a list of dubious people, who will then have the right of participating in a process of 'claims and objections,' based upon the National Population Register (NPR), collected by a house-to-house listing. Regardless of the process, it is clear that the NRC process is designed to keep Hindus from becoming Indian citizens, in large part because the CAA will ultimately provide paths to Indian citizenship in such a way that it will not give them to Muslims. The NRC has a number of societal implications. From the perspective of BJP the NRC aims to have a significant effect on the consolidation, through caste divides, of a Hindu identity. History shows the propensity to perpetuate majority identities in broad social innovation strategies aiming at minorities. The vast nationwide churning the NRC would trigger, in which an established legal advantage is accorded to a single hand, will also provide a stronger impression that they are Hindu throughout the world, irrespective of the content of religious respect. (Dumas, 2015). If  Hindu identity has so long been characterized by family or a type of religious fluidity, which extends faith beyond religious borders, it is now rooted in a bureaucratic phase, too. Via a long and torturous phase, collective and person isolation from dispossession becomes agent of a sharp definition of religious identity, which is precisely the result that the BJP requires.

The CAA+NRC will also tear the social fabric of India more recently. The Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal said that 70% of Indians have no citizenship documents and so millions, particularly minority, are excluded from the NRC. This would have devastating consequences. Journalist Ravish Kumar pointed out that the complexities of inclusion and exclusion that follow the outcome of a reported NRC in localities across India are now fraught with discussions about Hindu-Muslims. The NRC still has other implications to bear in mind. The proclaimed non-citizens are either transferred or live their lives as stateless citizens in detention camps. This will lead to the removal of voting rights for millions, which would make the NRC a massive and fruitful exercise in ways that benefit the BJP. The concentration of Muslims and Christians in some areas has, recently BL Santosh, a BJP-RSS representative from Karnataka, claimed that "it needs to be solved." Rendering stateless minorities in major circles, as the party plans in Bengal, and giving citizenship to BJP voting communities will be a way of doing things. (Cheung, 2016).

Conclusion

All the historical and current cultures, social revolutions are universal. Its design, size and frequency are different. Social movements dominated the state in the early era of democratic formations. Functions, obligations and transparency as well as the political limits. In the distribution of power among different divisions in society they played an important role. They've got new days .The Church and feudal authority, international laws and totalitarian governments were challenged by a very significant position. French and Russian revolutions, the struggle for Indian independence, and different peasant movements had a profound effect on our lives. The German nationalist movement, Islamic movement in Middle East, the Indian Hindutva Movement and the Sri Lankan Tamil Movement have dominated not just the political system but the people's belief system. Their legacy has a number of effects on us all. In their occurrences in both states are current periods. Although they do not necessarily play a deciding part – progressive and totalitarian – in all political regimes. They create and dismantle state institutions, social and political norms and even regimes. The revolution reflects both social and political tensions and the demands of the population. Knowledge of social movements is relevant. Not only those who are unsatisfied with the existing social and political order, but also the system's satisfaction with understanding the fragility and future of the political institutions.

References

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Baek, Y. M. (2015). Political mobilization through social network sites: The mobilizing power of political messages received from SNS friends. Computers in Human Behavior, 44, 12-19.

Basu, D. (2020). Assam and the NRC. Economic & Political Weekly, 55(39), 55.

Chapparban, S. N. (2020). Religious Identity and Politics of Citizenship in South Asia: A Reflection on Refugees and Migrants in India. Development, 63(1), 52-59.

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Goodstadt, L. F. (2014). Poverty in the midst of affluence: How Hong Kong mismanaged its prosperity. Hong Kong University Press.

Halfmann, J. (2018). 3. Social Change and Political Mobilization in West Germany. In Industry and Politics in West Germany (pp. 51-86). Cornell University Press.

Jackson, T. F. (2018). The State, the Movement, and the Urban Poor: The War on Poverty and Political Mobilization in the 19605. In The" Underclass" Debate (pp. 403-439). Princeton University Press.

Jayaram, R. (2020). CAA-NRC: Citizenship or Nativism?.

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Sandoval-Almazan, R., & Gil-Garcia, J. R. (2014). Towards cyberactivism 2.0? Understanding the use of social media and other information technologies for political activism and social movements. Government Information Quarterly, 31(3), 365-378.

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Sufian, A. (2020). Geopolitics of the NRC-CAA in Assam: Impact on Bangladesh–India Relations. Asian Ethnicity, 1-31.

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